Could Israel’s Arab Parties Help Eisenkot Oust Netanyahu? Their Support May Be Crucial—but Not a Coalition Deal
Arab parties may recommend Eisenkot and support an anti-Netanyahu government from outside, but several Jewish opposition leaders have resisted a formal coalition with them.
Israel's Arab parties may help Gadi Eisenkot replace Benjamin Netanyahu as prime minister, but the current reports describe possible support from outside a coalition—not a settled agreement to join government. The election left Netanyahu's bloc with 53 seats, Eisenkot's change bloc with 48 and Arab parties with a record 19 seats. No side has the 61-seat majority needed to govern alone. Arab lawmakers could therefore become pivotal, even as several Jewish opposition leaders have previously ruled out a formal partnership.
What Arab party leaders are signaling
The Joint List's leader has described the result as a historic opportunity to change Israel's political direction. Senior Arab lawmakers have indicated they may recommend an anti-Netanyahu candidate, likely Eisenkot, to President Isaac Herzog. They have also said they could support parliamentary measures from outside a coalition, such as votes to change Knesset leadership or investigate the October 7 attacks. That is different from holding cabinet positions or entering a governing coalition.
Arab parties have long faced exclusion from Israeli governing coalitions, even when their votes could determine a majority. Their representation rose after high turnout among Arab citizens. This election may test whether opposition parties are willing to accept outside support while maintaining their stated commitments not to govern with Arab-led parties.
Eisenkot's dilemma
Eisenkot and allies have previously said they would not sit in a coalition with Arab parties. Some have distinguished formal coalition membership from external parliamentary support, while others may consider any reliance on Arab votes politically unacceptable. If the opposition tries to form a government, it must decide what conditions it will accept and whether it can maintain stability without broad participation.
The Joint List also has its own demands, including changes to policing, municipal funding, discrimination and the path toward ending the war. It says it will not join a government while Israel continues to occupy the West Bank. These positions may limit what support it can offer, even if both sides want Netanyahu out.
What could happen next?
The president will consult parties and decide whom to task with forming a government. Options include an opposition government supported from outside by Arab parties, a unity arrangement, continued Netanyahu negotiations or a new election if no coalition emerges. The arithmetic creates an opening, not a guarantee.
Will Eisenkot accept votes from Arab parties if that is the only route to a majority? Can Arab lawmakers secure policy changes without entering government? And will Netanyahu use security tensions or fraud allegations to challenge the transfer of power? The election has made Arab representation impossible to ignore, but the shape and durability of any partnership remain uncertain.
Arab representation changes the bargaining arithmetic
The election result places Arab parties in a stronger parliamentary position, but their ability to influence policy depends on the terms of support. They may seek budget allocations, changes to policing and stronger protections against discrimination, while Jewish opposition parties may focus on replacing Netanyahu and changing judicial policy. These priorities overlap only partly. A government relying on outside votes could be unstable if its partners disagree on the war, settlements or the status of Palestinian citizens.
Netanyahu may still try to assemble a coalition through defections or a unity arrangement. His opponents could decide that a new election is preferable to a government dependent on Arab parties, despite the cost. Will Eisenkot prioritize removing Netanyahu or preserve a red line against Arab support? Can Arab parties extract meaningful commitments without joining cabinet? Those choices will reveal whether this is a lasting shift in Israeli politics or a temporary parliamentary tactic.